Nga Beqir Sina, New York<\/p>\n
Mungesa e Ram\u00ebs n\u00eb OKB, nj\u00eb sinjal i distancimit? apo Rama n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb kur Trump u rikthye n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb 2025?<\/p>\n
A po t\u00ebrhiqet Fondacioni i Shoq\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Hapur (OSF) nga Ballkani, dhe \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb kjo p\u00ebr lidhjet e Kryeministrit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, Edi Rama, me elitat globale? <\/p>\n
N\u00eb shtator 2025, mungesa e Ram\u00ebs n\u00eb Asamblen\u00eb e P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb dhe ndryshimet e m\u00ebdha strategjike t\u00eb OSF-s\u00eb kan\u00eb ngritur pyetje: A po dob\u00ebsohen lidhjet e tij personale me figura si Aleksand\u00ebr Soros dhe Huma Abedin? Apo kjo reflekton nj\u00eb zhvendosje m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb n\u00eb prioritetet globale t\u00eb filantropis\u00eb? <\/p>\n
Me k\u00ebt\u00eb artikull dua t\u00eb analizoi k\u00ebto ndryshime dhe ftoi lexuesin vet t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb: \u00c7far\u00eb na tregon kjo p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn e aleancave politike n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb q\u00eb po ndryshon?<\/p>\n
Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet personale vs. Institucionale, nj\u00eb dob\u00ebsi e Ram\u00ebs?<\/p>\n
Edi Rama ka nd\u00ebrtuar karrier\u00ebn e tij politike duke kultivuar lidhje personale me lider\u00eb global\u00eb, nga familja Soros te figura t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokrate n\u00eb SHBA. Por a mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetej diplomacia shqiptare vet\u00ebm te k\u00ebto lidhje? <\/p>\n
Q\u00eb nga viti 2013, Rama ka marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb pothuajse \u00e7do vit n\u00eb Asamblen\u00eb e OKB-s\u00eb (2013, 2014, 2017, 2019, 2021, 2022, 2023, 2024), shpesh duke shkelur edhe at\u00eb tradit\u00ebn e krijuar t\u00eb alternimit me presidentin p\u00ebr t\u00eb theksuar rolin e tij si lider. <\/p>\n
K\u00ebto vizita, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb takimet me Fondacionin Soros dhe Iniciativ\u00ebn Globale Clinton, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar lidhjet personale, si\u00e7 u pa n\u00eb dasm\u00ebn e bujshme t\u00eb Aleksand\u00ebr Soros dhe Huma Abedin n\u00eb qershor 2025, ku Rama mbajti nj\u00eb dolli si \u201cv\u00eblla\u201d i ngusht\u00eb i Alex-it.<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebto lidhje personale mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb brishta. N\u00eb 2016, Rama u p\u00ebrdor nga fushata e Hillary Clinton p\u00ebr t\u00eb kritikuar Donald Trump-in n\u00eb CNN, duke e quajtur at\u00eb \u201crrezik p\u00ebr Amerik\u00ebn- bot\u00ebn dhe rrezik p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdhenjet me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb\u201d. <\/p>\n
Kjo deklarat\u00eb, e nxitur nga lidhjet personale, e vuri Ram\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb kur Trump u rikthye n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb 2025. <\/p>\n
A e dob\u00ebsojn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet personale aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar lidhje t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme institucionale me SHBA-n\u00eb dhe BE-n\u00eb? \u00c7far\u00eb rreziqesh sjell mb\u00ebshtetja te miq\u00ebsit\u00eb individuale n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku administratat ndryshojn\u00eb shpesh?<\/p>\n
Ndryshimet Strategjike t\u00eb OSF-s\u00eb, nga Ballkani te Jugu Global<\/p>\n
Fondacionet e Shoq\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Hapur, t\u00eb themeluara nga George Soros, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb ky\u00e7e n\u00eb Ballkan q\u00eb nga vitet \u201990, duke investuar miliarda dollar\u00eb p\u00ebr demokraci, reforma gjyq\u00ebsore dhe integrim n\u00eb BE. <\/p>\n
Vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, OSF-ja ka shpenzuar mbi 130 milion\u00eb dollar\u00eb q\u00eb nga 1992. Por q\u00eb nga 2022, kur Aleksand\u00ebr Soros mori drejtimin, organizata ka kaluar n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201crimodelim strategjik\u201d. \u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb kjo?<\/p>\n
Sipas raportit t\u00eb Devex-it t\u00eb prillit 2025, OSF-ja ka reduktuar stafin nga 2,000 n\u00eb 500 vet\u00eb dhe zyrat globale nga 40 n\u00eb 13. Buxheti p\u00ebr 2025 \u00ebsht\u00eb ulur n\u00eb 1.27 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb nga 1.7 miliard\u00eb n\u00eb 2023. <\/p>\n
Fokusimi i ri \u00ebsht\u00eb te Jugu Global \u2013 Afrika dhe Amerika Latine me 125.5 milion\u00eb dollar\u00eb t\u00eb ndara p\u00ebr programe afrikane n\u00eb 2023, duke u p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje si ndryshimet klimatike dhe sh\u00ebndeti publik. <\/p>\n
N\u00eb Europ\u00eb, OSF-ja ka mbyllur zyra n\u00eb Berlin (80% prerje stafi) dhe Bruksel (60%), duke kufizuar angazhimin n\u00eb Ballkan p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Ukrain\u00ebs dhe Moldavis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Leonard Benardo, n\u00ebnkryetar i OSF-s\u00eb, shpjegon se ky ndryshim vjen si p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj rritjes s\u00eb autoritarizmit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, ku modeli tradicional i promovimit t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive t\u00eb hapura po has kufizime. <\/p>\n
OSF-ja tani ndjek nj\u00eb \u201copportuniz\u00ebm strategjik\u201d, duke ofruar grante m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe fleksib\u00ebl p\u00ebr sfida globale si pabarazia dhe drejt\u00ebsia klimatike. Por \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb kjo p\u00ebr Ballkanin? A po l\u00eb OSF-ja nj\u00eb vakum q\u00eb mund t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzohet nga lider\u00eb autokrat\u00eb? Apo tregon se shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb si ajo shqiptare jan\u00eb \u201cpjekur\u201d mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb ecur vet\u00eb?<\/p>\n
Mungesa e Ram\u00ebs n\u00eb OKB: Nj\u00eb sinjal i distancimit?<\/p>\n
N\u00eb shtator 2025, p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb pas viteve t\u00eb pranis\u00eb s\u00eb rregullt, Edi Rama mungoi n\u00eb Asamblen\u00eb e P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb, nj\u00eb ngjarje q\u00eb p\u00ebrkoi me 70-vjetorin e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb OKB dhe Sesionin e 80-t\u00eb t\u00eb Asambles\u00eb. Kjo munges\u00eb bie n\u00eb sy, sidomos pas pranis\u00eb s\u00eb tij t\u00eb spikatur n\u00eb dasm\u00ebn Soros-Abedin n\u00eb qershor, ku u paraqit si nj\u00eb mik i ngusht\u00eb i \u00e7iftit. Po ashtu, Rama nuk mori pjes\u00eb n\u00eb Takimin Vjetor t\u00eb Iniciativ\u00ebs Globale Clinton, nj\u00eb ngjarje ku ka qen\u00eb i pranish\u00ebm rregullisht.<\/p>\n
A tregon kjo nj\u00eb distancim nga elitat globale, si Soros dhe Clinton\u00ebt, apo nj\u00eb ndryshim n\u00eb prioritetet e Ram\u00ebs? Kritik\u00ebt spekulojn\u00eb se lidhjet e tij me Soros-in dhe Abedin-in, t\u00eb forcuara p\u00ebrmes takimeve si ato n\u00eb Oh\u00ebr (2022) dhe Beograd (2023), mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndryshimeve gjeopolitike, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb ardhjen e Trump-it n\u00eb pushtet. <\/p>\n
P\u00ebr shembull, hetimet e vazhdueshme p\u00ebr ish-drejtorin e FBI-s\u00eb n\u00eb Nju Jork, Charles McGonigal, ku emri i Ram\u00ebs p\u00ebrmendet mbi 30 her\u00eb, mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb strategjin\u00eb e tij diplomatike. <\/p>\n
Por, a \u00ebsht\u00eb mungesa e Ram\u00ebs nj\u00eb zgjedhje taktike p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur konfliktet, apo nj\u00eb shenj\u00eb se ai po humbet mb\u00ebshtetjen e aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb dikursh\u00ebm?<\/p>\n
Implikimet p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe Ballkanin: Nj\u00eb vakum apo mund\u00ebsi?<\/p>\n
Reduktimi i pranis\u00eb s\u00eb OSF-s\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkan, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe Serbin\u00eb, ngre pyetje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile dhe demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb rajon. Me buxhet m\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuar, OSF-ja vazhdon t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb iniciativa si integrimi n\u00eb BE dhe bashk\u00ebpunimi rajonal, por me fokus m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl. <\/p>\n
Kritik\u00ebt, si Sali Berisha n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, e akuzojn\u00eb Ram\u00ebn si \u201ckukull t\u00eb Soros-it\u201d, duke e lidhur me investime kontroverse si porti i Durr\u00ebsit dhe Iniciativa e Ballkanit t\u00eb Hapur. <\/p>\n
N\u00eb Serbi, presidenti Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 balancon takimet kordiale me Soros-in me retorik\u00eb anti-Soros n\u00eb “propocion” me median pro-qeveritare n\u00eb Serbi.<\/p>\n
\u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb kjo p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb? <\/p>\n
Mungesa e fondeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha nga OSF-ja mund t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb vakum, ku dinamikat lokale shpesh t\u00eb polarizuara t\u00eb dominojn\u00eb. Por mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria k\u00ebt\u00eb moment p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar institucione m\u00eb t\u00eb forta dhe t\u00eb pavarura.<\/p>\n
Dhe \u00e7far\u00eb na m\u00ebson kjo p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn e aleancave globale. A jan\u00eb lidhjet personale, si ato mes Ram\u00ebs dhe Soros-it, t\u00eb destinuara t\u00eb zbehen kur interesat divergjent\u00eb dalin n\u00eb pah?<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb analiz\u00eb mendoj\u00eb se reflektimi mbi aleancat dhe t\u00eb ardhmen, rezulton se ndryshimet strategjike t\u00eb OSF-s\u00eb dhe mungesa e Ram\u00ebs n\u00eb OKB-n\u00eb e 2025-\u00ebs t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn e p\u00ebrkohshme t\u00eb aleancave politike dhe filantropike. <\/p>\n
Nga dasma e bujshme e Soros-Abedin te \u201cmoskalimi i oqeanit\u201d n\u00eb shtator, kjo histori tregon se entuziazmi i fillimeve shpesh p\u00ebrballet me realitetin e interesave t\u00eb ndryshme. <\/p>\n
P\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, sfida \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb nga var\u00ebsia ndaj lidhjeve personale te diplomacia institucionale, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb stabilitet afatgjat\u00eb. <\/p>\n
Nd\u00ebrkaq, p\u00ebr Ballkanin, pyetja mbetet: Kush do t\u00eb mbush\u00eb vakumin e l\u00ebn\u00eb nga OSF-ja? Dhe si mund t\u00eb ndalohen tendencat autokratike t\u00eb Ram\u00ebs dh\u00eb Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it n\u00eb nj\u00eb rajon ku demokracia ende sfidohet?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Nga Beqir Sina, New York Mungesa e Ram\u00ebs n\u00eb OKB, nj\u00eb sinjal i distancimit? apo Rama n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb kur Trump u rikthye n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb 2025? A po t\u00ebrhiqet Fondacioni i Shoq\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Hapur (OSF) nga Ballkani, dhe \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb kjo p\u00ebr lidhjet e Kryeministrit t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, Edi Rama, me […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":92409,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-92408","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-te-tjera"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/92408","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=92408"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/92408\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":92410,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/92408\/revisions\/92410"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/92409"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=92408"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=92408"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=92408"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}