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<\/p>\nPresidenti rus, Vladimir Putin, feston m\u00eb 7 tetor dit\u00eblindjen e tij t\u00eb 70-t\u00eb. Ky p\u00ebrvjetor sh\u00ebnohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur lideri gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb autoritar i Rusis\u00eb po p\u00ebrballet me disa nga sfidat m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb dy dekadave t\u00eb tij n\u00eb pushtet, teksa t\u00eb gjitha arritjet e tij jan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nj\u00eb lufte gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb kushtueshme ndaj Ukrain\u00ebs fqinje.<\/p>\n
Me gjith\u00eb goditjet e nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme ndaj kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve politik\u00eb, \u00e7ka ka sjell\u00eb dhe largimin nga vendi t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb figurave aktive t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs, ka shenja se koha e mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb gjer\u00eb ndaj Putinit mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb drejt fundit. Kjo pasi lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb vazhdon t\u00eb ekspozoj\u00eb dob\u00ebsit\u00eb n\u00eb sistemin politik mjaft t\u00eb personalizuar, q\u00eb Putini e ka perfeksionuar n\u00eb 23 vjet si president apo kryeminist\u00ebr i Rusis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
“Me sa kuptoj situata, ka ndryshuar rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht”, tha Lev Gudkov, nj\u00eb sociolog n\u00eb agjencin\u00eb e pavarur t\u00eb sondazheve \u201cLevada Center\u201d, duke l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet se mobilizimi ushtarak q\u00eb Putin dekretoi m\u00eb 21 shtator mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndryshuar, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb vendimtare dhe t\u00eb pakthyeshme, atmosfer\u00ebn n\u00eb vend.<\/p>\n
Putini ndodhet n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb nga 24 shkurti”.<\/p>\n
Dimitri Gudkov<\/p>\n
“Mobilizimi po i prek t\u00eb gjith\u00eb… Urdhri i mobilizimit ka ndryshuar rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht situat\u00ebn – lufta ka mb\u00ebrritur n\u00eb Rusi”, tha ai.<\/p>\n
Pushtimi i Ukrain\u00ebs u ndesh me at\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr shum\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb rezistenc\u00eb e fort\u00eb dhe e papritur nga Qeveria dhe populli ukrainas, si\u00e7 u d\u00ebshmua edhe muajin e kaluar kur nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrofensiv\u00eb e rrufeshme ukrainase n\u00eb rajonin e Harkivit i detyroi forcat ruse t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqeshin dhe e shtyu Putinin q\u00eb t\u00eb shpallte nj\u00eb mobilizim pas muajsh q\u00eb mohonte se do ta merrte ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vendim.<\/p>\n
Lufta e paprovokuar e Kremlinit ka shkaktuar gjithashtu nj\u00eb reagim t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr nga Per\u00ebndimi, i cili ka vendosur val\u00eb pas vale sanksionesh kund\u00ebr Rusis\u00eb dhe ka ofruar miliarda dollar\u00eb ndihm\u00eb ushtarake p\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebn. Suedia dhe Finlanda, pas dekadash neutraliteti, aplikuan zyrtarisht p\u00ebr t\u2019u an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuar n\u00eb aleanc\u00ebn transatlantike, NATO.<\/p>\n
Rrall\u00eb her\u00eb Rusia, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos th\u00ebn\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb, ka qen\u00eb kaq e izoluar dhe e shk\u00ebputur kaq shum\u00eb nga komuniteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n
\u201cPutini ndodhet n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb nga 24 shkurti\u201d, tha ish-deputeti i Dum\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetit rus dhe politikani i opozit\u00ebs Dimitri Gudkov, duke iu referuar dat\u00ebs s\u00eb inkursionit masiv ushtarak t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb.<\/p>\n
“Nj\u00eb limbo e p\u00ebrjetshme \u2013 nj\u00ebjt\u00eb si nj\u00eb pozicion n\u00eb shah, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin \u00e7do l\u00ebvizje q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet, thjesht \u00e7on n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsim t\u00eb situat\u00ebs”.<\/p>\n
\u201cAsnj\u00eb revolt\u00eb. Asnj\u00eb protest\u00eb masive\u201d<\/p>\n
Por, n\u00eb Rusi, pozita e Putinit deri von\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb dukur thuajse e pal\u00ebkundur, pjes\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr shkak se Kremlini ka shpenzuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb vit duke e shtypur opozit\u00ebn aktive ose duke e d\u00ebbuar jasht\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n
“Lufta kriminale e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah tipare t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb ruse q\u00eb as rusofob\u00ebt m\u00eb fam\u00ebkeq nuk i kan\u00eb pohuar”, shkroi akademiku dhe an\u00ebtari i Parlamentit estonez, Mikhail Lotman, n\u00eb nj\u00eb eset\u00eb botuar p\u00ebr sh\u00ebrbimin rus t\u00eb Radio Evropa e Lir\u00eb. Ai argumentoi se raportimet e p\u00ebrhapura mbi pla\u00e7kitjet dhe krimeve t\u00eb luft\u00ebs nuk kan\u00eb pasur ndikim n\u00eb publikun rus.<\/p>\n
“Si ka reaguar shoq\u00ebria ruse? Nuk ka reaguar aspak. Ose n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb tep\u00ebr sporadike”, shkroi ai. \u201cAsnj\u00eb revolt\u00eb, asnj\u00eb protest\u00eb masive\u201d.<\/p>\n
Megjith\u00ebse sondazhet n\u00eb Rusi jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuara dhe duhen interpretuar me kujdes, qendra e sondazheve \u201cLevada\u201d ka publikuar vazhdimisht vler\u00ebsimin mbi mb\u00ebshtetjen ndaj Putinit q\u00eb p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb vitit 2022 ka qen\u00eb mbi 80 p\u00ebr qind. N\u00eb gusht, shifra ishte 83 p\u00ebr qind.<\/p>\n
“Pasi filloi lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb treguesit [e mb\u00ebshtetjes] u rrit\u00ebn”, tha Gudkov. “Njer\u00ebzit ndiheshin t\u00eb sigurt, p\u00ebrjetuan nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb krenarie n\u00eb demonstrimin e forc\u00ebs dhe fuqis\u00eb si nj\u00eb superfuqi ushtarake”.<\/p>\n
Por, n\u00eb shtator mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr Putinin ra n\u00eb 77 p\u00ebr qind.<\/p>\n
Ende m\u00eb shum\u00eb rus\u00eb e mb\u00ebshtesin Putinin tani sesa n\u00eb muajt pak para pushtimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs m\u00eb 24 shkurt, por disfatat ushtarake dhe mobilizimi n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti kan\u00eb filluar t\u00eb ken\u00eb efekt, theksoi Gudkov.
\n\u201cPas mobilizimit, mendoj se situata do t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb shpejt\u201d, tha ai.<\/p>\n
“Nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb e munges\u00ebs s\u00eb shpres\u00ebs”<\/p>\n
Pa dyshim, t\u00eb dal\u00ebsh publikisht kund\u00ebr Qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Putinit, psikologjikisht \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb hap i madh p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn e rus\u00ebve. N\u00eb vitet e para pasi erdhi n\u00eb pushtet, Putini p\u00ebrdori makinerit\u00eb e propagand\u00ebs shtet\u00ebrore p\u00ebr t\u00eb promovuar vlerat e qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb fort\u00eb, t\u00eb centralizuar dhe “diktatur\u00ebs s\u00eb ligjit”, nd\u00ebrsa kritikonte vitet kaotike t\u00eb \u201990-ta, kur demokracia, liria e medias dhe vet\u00ebvendosja ishin fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e.<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, viteve t\u00eb fundit Putini “ka krijuar nj\u00eb skenar t\u00eb ri q\u00eb p\u00ebrdor nacionalizmin dhe ekspansionizmin e Rusis\u00eb, projeksionin e fuqis\u00eb ruse n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, konservatorizmin kulturor dhe kritikat ndaj Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara, si nj\u00eb forc\u00eb destabilizuese n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe si arsye p\u00ebr mobilizimin e mb\u00ebshtetjes politike”, shkruan profesoresha e Shkencave politike n\u00eb Universitetin Cornell, Valerie Bunce, n\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 2017 me titull “Perspektivat p\u00ebr nj\u00eb revolucion me ngjyra n\u00eb Rusi”.<\/p>\n
Taktika t\u00eb tilla e \u201ckan\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb opozit\u00ebn ruse duke i detyruar t\u00eb zgjedhin mes t\u00eb qen\u00ebt patriot\u00eb apo tradhtar\u00eb\u201d.
\nQ\u00eb nga viti 2012, Kremlini ka p\u00ebrdorur nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb ligjesh gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb rrepta p\u00ebr “agjent\u00ebt e huaj” p\u00ebr t\u00eb etiketuar t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt politik\u00eb si tradhtar\u00eb. Termi i ngarkuar emocionalisht i epok\u00ebs staliniste \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb damk\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb ndar\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb disa liberal\u00ebve p\u00ebr ta kthyer at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb simbol nderi. Disident\u00ebt politik\u00eb n\u00eb Rusi mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballen, n\u00ebse jo me burgim, me p\u00ebrbuzje dhe d\u00ebnim nga fqinj\u00ebt, t\u00eb af\u00ebrmit, koleg\u00ebt dhe pun\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsit — dhe p\u00ebrndjekje nga militant\u00ebt pro-Kremlinit.<\/p>\n
Dhe gjat\u00eb jav\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, duke e p\u00ebrshkruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb rreme luft\u00ebn e Ukrain\u00ebs si nj\u00eb luft\u00eb ekzistenciale midis Rusis\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb Per\u00ebndimi “satanik”, Putini e ka rritur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb retorike rrezikun p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb e kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb dhe u ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb liri t\u00eb heshtur radikal\u00ebve t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb djatht\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb joshur nga mesazhet e tij nacionaliste dhe tradicionale.<\/p>\n
Timur Saifulmulyukov, nj\u00eb inxhinier p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb nga zjarret, 35-vje\u00e7ar dhe i martuar n\u00eb qytetin siberian Tomsk, personifikon disa nga proceset q\u00eb po ndodhin brenda nd\u00ebrgjegjes publike ruse q\u00eb nga nisja e pushtimit.
\nPara 24 shkurtit, ai ishte nj\u00eb person i painteresuar ndaj politik\u00ebs, aq sa nuk d\u00ebgjoi as p\u00ebr pushtimin e Ukrain\u00ebs deri t\u00eb nes\u00ebrmen. Kur d\u00ebgjoi p\u00ebr t\u00eb, p\u00ebrgjigja e tij nuk ishte zem\u00ebrim, por “nj\u00eb lloj apatie”.<\/p>\n
“Nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb e munges\u00ebs s\u00eb shpres\u00ebs”, rikujton ai gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb interviste p\u00ebr Siberia.Realities t\u00eb Radios Evropa e Lir\u00eb. “Ndihesh i paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb ndonj\u00eb gj\u00eb. Nuk ndieni se keni ndonj\u00eb rolin tuajin n\u00eb asnj\u00eb prej k\u00ebtyre vendimeve. Kam d\u00ebgjuar p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb nuk ishin dakord me regjimin e Putinit. Dhe d\u00ebgjova se u ngrit\u00ebn \u00e7\u00ebshtje penale ndaj tyre dhe ata u fut\u00ebn n\u00eb burg. Kjo provokoi dy ndjenja – nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, ti mendon se nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet asgj\u00eb, por nga ana tjet\u00ebr, mendon se di\u00e7ka duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb”.<\/p>\n
Gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb ver\u00ebs, ai q\u00ebndroi pasiv dhe i heshtur.<\/p>\n
M\u00eb 24 shtator, pasi d\u00ebgjoi njoftimin e Putinit p\u00ebr mobilizimin, Saifulmulyukov marshoi n\u00eb mes t\u00eb nj\u00eb rruge kryesore n\u00eb Tomsk, duke bllokuar trafikun, nd\u00ebrsa mbante nj\u00eb tabel\u00eb t\u00eb punuar me dor\u00eb q\u00eb mbante slogane kund\u00ebr luft\u00ebs. Ai u ndalua pas rreth dy minutash dhe m\u00eb pas u akuzua p\u00ebr bllokim t\u00eb qarkullimit rrugor dhe p\u00ebr “diskreditim t\u00eb forcave t\u00eb armatosura”.<\/p>\n
Siafulmulyukov tha se gruaja e tij nuk e mb\u00ebshteti vendimin e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb protestuar.<\/p>\n
“\u00cbsht\u00eb psikologjikisht e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb”, tha ai. “Ne kishim diskutuar m\u00eb par\u00eb mbi p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb ton\u00eb personale p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb po ndodh n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb dhe arrit\u00ebm n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundime t\u00eb ndryshme. Un\u00eb e ndiej k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi, por ajo -epo, ajo ndien disa, por ajo mendon q\u00eb nuk duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb asgj\u00eb. Sipas saj, ne nuk kemi fuqi ndikuese dhe nuk ka kuptim t\u00eb rrezikosh jet\u00ebn\u201d.<\/p>\n
\u201cAutoritetet i kuptojn\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet\u201d
\nN\u00eb periudh\u00ebn para pushtimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs, Qeveria e Putinit kishte \u00e7montuar me zell t\u00eb gjitha format e opozit\u00ebs s\u00eb organizuar politike. Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi karizmatik i opozit\u00ebs, Aleksei Navalny, u burgos pasi u vu n\u00eb sh\u00ebnjest\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00eb helmimi thuajse fatal, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin ai thot\u00eb se provat tregojn\u00eb se ishte kryer nga operativ\u00eb t\u00eb Sh\u00ebrbimit Federal t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb (FSB) q\u00eb vepronin me urdh\u00ebr t\u00eb Putinit. Fondacioni Kund\u00ebr Korrupsionit i Navalnyt dhe rrjeti i tij i zyrave rajonale u cil\u00ebsuan “ekstremiste” dhe u mbyll\u00ebn. Shum\u00eb nga mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e tij m\u00eb aktiv\u00eb u larguan nga vendi n\u00ebn k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin e ndjekjes penale.<\/p>\n
Organizata t\u00eb tjera publike t\u00eb pavarura q\u00eb kishin sh\u00ebrbyer m\u00eb par\u00eb si lokacione t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve opozitare apo si nj\u00eb rrjet disident\u00ebsh, si shoqata p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, Memorial, u vun\u00eb n\u00eb sh\u00ebnjest\u00ebr n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme dhe lidhjet me to u konsideruan tradhti.<\/p>\n
“Problemi kryesor p\u00ebr protestat aktive \u00ebsht\u00eb se p\u00ebr ato nevojitet jo vet\u00ebm veprim individual”, tha studiuesi politik rus, Vladimir Gelman, i cili jep m\u00ebsim n\u00eb Universitetin e Helsinkit n\u00eb Finland\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb me median e orientuar nga Rusia, Meduza.<\/p>\n
“Protestat k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb koordinim dhe bashk\u00ebpunim nd\u00ebrmjet njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. Dhe, situata n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim [n\u00eb Rusi] \u00ebsht\u00eb e keqe”, tha Gelman.<\/p>\n
Protestat lokale mund t\u00eb organizohen me autoritetin e individ\u00ebve t\u00eb njohur n\u00eb komunitet dhe duke p\u00ebrdorur rrjetet lokale t\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb informacionit.
\n“Por, potenciali i k\u00ebtyre protestave nuk shkon p\u00ebrtej rasteve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta”, shtoi Gelman.<\/p>\n
“Potenciali p\u00ebr koordinim u kufizua ndjesh\u00ebm edhe para shkurtit 2022”, tha ai, duke iu referuar dat\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtimit, duke p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dramatike nj\u00eb luft\u00eb 8-vje\u00e7are n\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebn lindore.<\/p>\n
“Autoritetet i kuptuan k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet q\u00eb rrjedhin nga \u00e7do struktur\u00eb e organizuar dhe u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn t’i dob\u00ebsonin ato n\u00eb \u00e7do m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme. Dhe, ia dol\u00ebn”.<\/p>\n
Edhe kjo situat\u00eb duket se po ndryshon n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi. M\u00eb 4 tetor, bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb Navalnyt njoftuan se po riaktivizonin rrjetin e tij n\u00eb Rusi si nj\u00eb lloj qendre koordinimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar Putinin dhe luft\u00ebn.<\/p>\n
Kanali Sirena, n\u00eb rrjetin Telegram, raportoi se ekipi i Navalnyt mori k\u00ebt\u00eb vendim p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb “dob\u00ebsimit t\u00eb pozit\u00ebs s\u00eb regjimit t\u00eb Putinit pas shtat\u00eb muajsh luft\u00eb dhe mobilizimit”.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, Gudkov tha se hulumtimi i Qendr\u00ebs Levada tregon se nj\u00eb num\u00ebr n\u00eb rritje i rus\u00ebve po k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb qasje ndaj informacioneve nga burime q\u00eb nuk kontrollohen nga Kremlini si kanalet Telegram, duke k\u00ebrkuar me vet\u00ebdije t\u00eb anashkalojn\u00eb censur\u00ebn shtet\u00ebrore. Gudkov thot\u00eb se p\u00ebrqindja e t\u00eb anketuarve q\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin “kanalet alternative” \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur nga 7-8 p\u00ebr qind sa ishte disa muaj m\u00eb par\u00eb, n\u00eb 22 p\u00ebr qind.<\/p>\n
“Do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb patjet\u00ebr nj\u00eb ndarje”<\/p>\n
Kryengritjet e m\u00ebdha popullore rrall\u00eb ndodhin vet\u00ebm n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb zem\u00ebrimit moral. T\u00eb ashtuquajturat revolucionet me ngjyra t\u00eb epok\u00ebs post-sovjetike jan\u00eb nxitur kryesisht nga pritshm\u00ebri zhg\u00ebnjyese mbi zgjedhje t\u00eb diskutueshme. Ato ushqehen nga p\u00ebr\u00e7arjet brenda elitave n\u00eb pushtet, me disa fraksione q\u00eb i b\u00ebjn\u00eb thirrje publikut q\u00eb t\u00eb rreshtohet n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb tyre kund\u00ebr autoriteteve q\u00eb refuzojn\u00eb t\u00eb heqin dor\u00eb nga pushteti.<\/p>\n
Ky ka qen\u00eb model edhe n\u00eb historin\u00eb ruse, kur kryengritjet popullore n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb m\u00eb 1905, n\u00eb shkurt 1917, 1991 dhe 1993 ishin efektive kund\u00ebr qeverive t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuara dhe t\u00eb ndara, me vet\u00eb protestat q\u00eb mb\u00ebshteteshin nga fraksionet brenda strukturave t\u00eb pushtetit social dhe politik.
\nFenomeni u pa p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e Putinit, kur pensionist\u00ebt dhe dhjet\u00ebra mij\u00ebra veta t\u00eb tjer\u00eb anemban\u00eb Rusis\u00eb dol\u00ebn n\u00eb rrug\u00eb n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2004 dhe n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 2005 kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb plani t\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb reformuar subvencionet kryesore sociale.<\/p>\n
Shum\u00eb prej protestuesve k\u00ebrkuan dor\u00ebheqjen e Putinit n\u00eb demonstratat q\u00eb u mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebn n\u00eb heshtje ose n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplicite nga guvernator\u00ebt rajonal\u00eb, nga partia komuniste dhe forca t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n
Kriza e benefiteve e shtyu Kremlinin t\u00eb merrte masa t\u00eb forta p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn vertikale t\u00eb pushtetit. Kur provat e mashtrimeve t\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb vitit 2011 e afruan Rusin\u00eb me “revolucionin e saj me ngjyra”, autoritetet kishin tashm\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha mjetet q\u00eb u nevojiteshin p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtypur kryengritjen dhe asnj\u00eb figur\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme brenda elit\u00ebs qeveris\u00ebse, nuk u rebelua.<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, politikani opozitar Gudkov tha se tani situata duket ndryshe, shum\u00eb larg nga “euforia” e pushtimit t\u00eb rajonit t\u00eb Krimes\u00eb nga Putini n\u00eb vitin 2014.<\/p>\n
\u201cKur pash\u00eb fytyrat e burokrat\u00ebve dhe deputet\u00ebve q\u00eb u mblodh\u00ebn n\u00eb Pallatin e Kongreseve t\u00eb Kremlinit me ftes\u00eb t\u00eb Putinit, nuk pash\u00eb ndonj\u00eb g\u00ebzim atje\u201d, tha Gudkov p\u00ebr Radion Evropa e Lir\u00eb, duke iu referuar fjalimit t\u00eb Putinit t\u00eb 30 shtatorit q\u00eb zyrtarizonte p\u00ebrpjekjet e pabaza t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb aneksuar kat\u00ebr rajone t\u00eb tjera pjes\u00ebrisht t\u00eb pushtuara t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
\u00cbsht\u00eb shum\u00eb her\u00ebt, tha Gudkov, p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb “p\u00ebr\u00e7arje brenda elitave”, por sistemi i Putinit “po dridhet”.<\/p>\n
\u201cNj\u00eb ndarje do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb patjet\u00ebr\u201d, shtoi ai, \u201csepse tashm\u00eb po shohim formimin e qendrave konkurruese t\u00eb pushtetit\u201d.<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, aktualisht, “gjith\u00e7ka ende rrotullohet rreth Putinit”, tha Gudkov. REL<\/p>\n
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Presidenti rus, Vladimir Putin, feston m\u00eb 7 tetor dit\u00eblindjen e tij t\u00eb 70-t\u00eb. Ky p\u00ebrvjetor sh\u00ebnohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur lideri gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb autoritar i Rusis\u00eb po p\u00ebrballet me disa nga sfidat m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb dy dekadave t\u00eb tij n\u00eb pushtet, teksa t\u00eb gjitha arritjet e tij jan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim p\u00ebr shkak […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":22836,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[12,118],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-22832","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-bota","8":"category-kryesore"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22832","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=22832"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22832\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":22837,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22832\/revisions\/22837"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/22836"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=22832"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=22832"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neutrale.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=22832"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}